Alice Springs town camp residents are tired of being treated like second-class citizens. They want safe homes, not just bandaids. The issue of housing in the Northern Territory has been thrust into the national spotlight, with town camps a flashpoint in a growing debate. The problems facing renters who live in town camps are decades old and well known, but the renewed attention on the substandard living conditions has reignited debate over how the communities are funded and managed, and why poor living conditions persist. The town camps in Mparntwe/Alice Springs were established due to racist policies that displaced Aboriginal people from their lands. Over time, these camps formed their own housing associations and an overarching body, the Tangentyere Council Aboriginal Corporation, to support town campers in their fight for basic services. Generations of Aboriginal families have lived in these camps, becoming intertwined with the town itself. However, the residents often live very differently from those in Alice Springs. Town campers have been used as political pawns on issues like alcohol bans and local crime, and now, in the wake of the alleged murder of Kumanjayi Little Baby, there are concerns that these communities will unfairly bear the blame. Catherine Liddle, chief executive of the Secretariat of National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care (SNAICC), emphasizes that town campers should not be maligned for this tragedy. She argues that blaming town campers for poverty and policy failures is unfair and that the government is ultimately responsible. The Charles Creek/Anthelk-Ewlpaye camp, where Harley Pompey-Myers has lived for most of his life, is just outside the center of Alice Springs. Harley describes the camp's deterioration over the years, including the lack of safety measures and the constant struggle to get basic repairs done. He mentions broken locks, no heat, and broken ventilation systems, highlighting the unsafe conditions. Harley's fight for repairs and safety improvements is not unique; many residents have faced similar challenges. The issue of responsibility for repairs is complicated, with a web of bureaucracy involving all levels of government and subcontracting to Aboriginal community-controlled organizations. Since the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response, the camps have been classified as public housing, with the NT government holding ultimate responsibility. However, rent collection, tenancy management, maintenance, and repairs are managed by Community Housing Central Australia (CHCA), which is subcontracted by the NT government. CHCA chief executive Ken Marchingo acknowledges the constraints and lack of clarity in their contract, which has been a source of frustration for residents. The Northern Territory government has spent $25 million in Alice Springs town camps in the past five years, but residents like Richie Watts question why Tangentyere Council, the Aboriginal corporation representing the camps, isn't doing more for residents. The alleged murder of Kumanjayi Little Baby has brought politicians into the debate, with some calling for the closure of town camps. However, there is no clear plan for where residents would go, and many have deep roots in the community. The federal government's remote housing plan allocates $4 billion to build houses in remote communities, but it remains to be seen if this will alleviate the pressure on town camps. Despite the challenges, Harley Pompey-Myers wants to stay in his community and help change the way they are viewed. He takes pride in his efforts to improve the camp and believes that change is possible. The situation in Alice Springs town camps highlights the complex interplay of racism, policy failures, and the struggle for basic human rights. It is a call for action and a reminder that the government must take responsibility for addressing the systemic issues affecting these communities.
